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Today such a claim sounds totally ridiculous--mendacious, or simply mad.
But Larry was not mendacious (biased, maybe), and not mad. Remember: he was
speaking before the 2001 tax bill that did nothing to increase national
savings and investment, something to further complicate our tax code, next
to nothing to reduce marginal tax rates, and a good deal to transfer wealth
from the middle class to the more-than-$300,000-a-year rich. He was
speaking before the farm bill, the steel tariff, and Bush's summary
rejection of Pakistan's request for an increase in its textile export quota
marked the Bush administration's turn to protectionism. He was speaking
before it became clear just how clueless the Bush White House was with
respect to the government's important mission of making sure that
corporations in financial trouble did not hide their true situation for
months or years by telling large lies. And he was speaking before the Bush
White House fumbled the stabilization-policy ball as it proved incapable of
recognizing that the post-1994 acceleration in productivity growth meant
that unemployment would rise even in an economic recovery that was
moderately strong by pre-1995 yardsticks.
Today we know that it never crosses the minds of the powers-that-be in the
Bush White House that good economic policies might be worth pursuing
because good economic policies lead to a stronger economy. To the
powers-that-be in the Bush White House, economic policies are way to reward
favored groups of constituents. And their effect on the economy? They don't
need to think about no stinking effect of policy on the economy.
So Larry lost in his attempt to get the 2001 tax cut to reduce marginal tax
rates where they are highest--among the
two-children-$25,000-annual-household-income class: in the mind of the Bush
White House, the point of tax cuts is not to improve incentives but to
reward contributors, and although the
two-children-$25,000-annual-household-income class vote in large numbers
for Republican presidential candidates, they don't buy tables at
$1000-a-plate campaign fundraisers. He lost his fight to keep the White
House from imposing steel tariffs. He lost his fight to maintain the
progress toward freeing trade in farm products and reducing
welfare-for-agribusiness made in the 1990s, when Bill Clinton cooperated
with the Gingrich-era Republicans--who for all their faults really did
believe in their free-market ideology.
'"For all its progress, CSX still has the worst operating ratio, a common
measure of railroad efficiency, among big North American railroads."' That
sounds like a recommendation.
"And in 2001, Snow earned "$2.2 million in cash, plus $7.1 million in
restricted stock awards. In addition he received $753,057 in additional
compensation, including $117,900 in life-insurance premiums and $323,266 in
'above market' interest on deferred earnings". When he retires he qualifies
for Welch-like perks, including "use of private aircraft for the remainder
of his life".
"Just the man to tackle concerns about corporate governance."
There is a story I have now heard three times about Larry Lindsey's first
day in the White House in January 2001. At one point he met with the
now-headless Council of Economic Advisers staff--no CEA council members had
yet been named. "Well," he began. "You should all be happy: the people who
understand economics are now back in charge."
It's the Bush economy, stupid!
More On
Snow
(Lance Knobel)
"The Wall Street Journal reports that Treasury secretary-designate John
Snow's company, rail freight giant CSX, is no great shakes.